SE Academic Review 2023

38 ST EDWARD’S, OXFORD

Blair himself Tony Blair was undoubtably one of New Labour’s greatest electoral assets in 1997. He represented much of what British people wanted in a prime minister in the late nineties. And he represented the opposite of what made politicians so unpopular at that time. In comparison to Major and the Conservatives, he seemed far preferable. Whilst the public had seen five years of scandals from Conservative politicians involving extra-marital affairs and what was perceived as indecent personal behaviour, Blair had strong Christian beliefs and a young family that epitomised family values. The public also did not trust the previous government or the Conservatives due to the multiple scandals the party faced from 1992. Blair, ironically from a modern perspective, was seen as trustworthy (Butler & Kavanagh, 1997, p. 247). The various pledges and vows that were much publicised by Labour during the campaign reinforced the narrative that Blair could be trusted to keep his word. Whilst the Conservatives had been in power for nearly 20 years, with ministers and senior figures being in the public eye for decades, Blair was a fresh face. It is important to note that Blair was the first leader of the two major parties to be a Baby Boomer and indeed the first prime minister to be born after the end of World War Two. Blair also had not ever held a ministerial post or ever been in parliament whilst his party was in government. While some criticised him, pointing to his inexperience, it is important to note that this again was viewed by many who were tired of the old guard of politicians as a positive sign of change.

Furthermore, Blair did not particularly need to portray himself as experienced as he was viewed as competent in comparison to the Conservatives. He presented himself, with the aid of Alastair Campbell, as well-dressed, well-spoken and having a firm grasp on the issues. He took on an image similar, in many ways to Margaret Thatcher, as an intelligent technocrat (Seldon, 2005, p. 444). Blair has often been criticised for being an establishment figure, being educated at an elite public boarding school and Oxford University. His establishment credentials were even clearer when compared with John Major, who was raised in a working-class area by his circus performer parents. Major’s normality and working-class background was likely an electoral asset for him during the 1992 campaign, however, Blair’s lack of normality was likely an asset for Labour. Blair’s upper middle-class upbringing made him less offensive to disaffected Conservatives. Furthermore, his private education appealed to the socially-mobile ideals of ‘middle England’ by signalling his lack of opposition to private education and aspiration. However, the most significant aspect of his personality was most likely his leadership qualities. Whilst John Major led a fractured Conservative Party on the verge of civil war, constantly threatening their leader’s removal, Blair appeared to have a strong, nearly authoritarian grasp on his party. Episodes such as the replacement of Clause IV showed that Blair was ready to fight his party but also that Labour endorsed his leadership. Blair as a person probably proved decisive in the election. Whilst other factors certainly played their part it is true to say that one of the most important factors that influence which way people vote are not policies or ideologies but what they judge as the quality of the potential prime minister and in 1997 the public judged Blair overwhelmingly positively (BBC News, 2007).