Academic Review 2024

75 ACADEMIC REVIEW 2024

remarkable involvement of those who published and disseminated the clandestine press, many publications progressed, ‘from a newspaper’ to ‘a movement’ (Jeannin, 2021). Lib é ration-Nord was one of the first examples of this transition (Albertelli, Blanc, & Douzou, 2019) . Created in December 1940, its growing influence had transformed the publication into a resistance movement by November 1941 (Guillon, 1999). Through this transformation, Lib é ration-Nord evolved from spreading information and ideals to creating resistance networks both in the Occupied and Free Zones, before engaging in militarised resistance through acts of sabotage (Libération-nord, n.d.). First published in the Free Zone in July 1941, Lib é ration provides another example of this progression. According to Albertelli, Blanc, and Douzou, this publication played, ‘a decisive role in the emergence of a movement’ (Albertelli, Blanc, & Douzou, 2019), making clear its intention to mobilise its readers into political action by claiming, ‘this newspaper will not be a piece of paper, but an act’ (Albertelli, Blanc, & Douzou, 2019). In playing such a central role in the draw any universal conclusions from such primary sources (Gould, 2014). However, from a national perspective, Gould’s argument is valid as the passive resistance could not have awakened the French out of submission had they already been concerned about the German occupation. Therefore, the passive resistance played an important ideological role in awakening the French and disseminating resistance ideals, however, its impact was not decisive. While it was influential enough to endanger the Nazi status quo, the popularity and support for the German occupiers and Vichy, combined with existing resentment of those inspired by passive resistance, puts into question both the moral awakening caused by the passive resistance and its capacity to spread resistance ideals. “ ...it was influential enough to endanger the Nazi status quo... ”

the, ‘deteriorating standards of living also generated French hatred of Germans’ (Blumenson, 1977). Gould, for instance, states that Libération did not change the minds of the French or convince them to resist, rather, it was ‘instrumental in reinforcing French people’s existing concerns’ (Gould, 2014). Similarly, resistance leader, Henri Cordess, stated that the clandestine press was not particularly important as, ‘attitudes had hardened before the arrival of the first resistance papers’ (Kedward, 2022), directly discrediting the idea that the passive resistance caused an awakening of the French. On the other hand, Louis de la Bardonnie, another member of the resistance, provides a contrasting perspective, stating that the clandestine press was “vitally important”, while acknowledging that ‘not everyone owned a wireless’ (Kedward, 2022). De la Bardonnie therefore not only highlights the significance of the clandestine press, he also argues that it played a greater role than the radio, as it was more accessible (Jackson, 2003). While both men were members of the Resistance in the South West of France, it is important to consider that the impact of clandestine press and radio varied greatly between regions, and it is therefore challenging to The passive resistance was politically decisive The second way in which the passive resistance can be considered decisive is through its political impact. By 1942, the influence of newspapers developed into a voice that would call for both resistance and a political future beyond. In doing so, resistance movements evolved into political movements encompassing a wide spectrum of ideologies. Historians such as Grenard have argued that the clandestine press fuelled the emergence of political movements, as the Resistance, ‘firstly engaged in a battle of opinion’ against Vichy (Jeannin, 2021). Whilst differing political views occasionally caused tensions, these were resolved once the main resistance movements were unified in 1943, under de Gaulle’s Mouvements Unis de la Résistance (MUR) . The passive resistance was politically decisive as it played a fundamental role in developing political organisations. Grenard sheds light upon the lesser known influence of the passive resistance, arguing that the clandestine press played a ‘major political role’ from the beginning of the occupation. In justifying his claim, he writes that, due to the